Did Uzbekistan and Russia Just Have Their First (Limited) Food War? – The Diplomat

Crossroads Asia | Economy | Central Asia

In the final two months of 2020, Russia’s Rosselkhoznadzor (the Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Supervision) imposed a number of bans on the import of a number of foodstuff and agriculture merchandise from Uzbekistan, alleging the merchandise have been discovered to comprise pests. The bans have been brief lived, lasting from a number of weeks to a month, however have been sufficient to remind Uzbekistan of the importance of Russia’s market.

Rosselkhoznadzor’s bans of foodstuff imports usually are not uncommon. There are quite a few examples of Russia leveraging the meals valve in response to a deterioration of geopolitical relations with one accomplice or one other. Uzbekistan has primarily loved steady relations with Russia and due to this fact, till not too long ago, was stored out of the meals wars. The newest incident was the primary widespread ban, albeit a brief one, in accordance with a cursory evaluation of Rosselkhoznadzor’s web site. 

First got here a ban on tomato and bell pepper imports from three areas in Uzbekistan. Then Rosselkhoznadzor introduced it had detected pests in dried fruits from the Fergana area and after a number of days introduced a full ban on all agriculture merchandise from the identical area. All of the bans have been retracted after the cupboard of ministers of Uzbekistan, the second highest authorities physique after the presidential administration, intervened and entered negotiations with Russia.

There are causes to consider that Rosselkhoznadzor’s bans on the import of some Uzbek produce could also be of a political nature. Uzbekistan disputed Rosselkhoznadzor’s conclusions after conducting its personal investigation and testing. The governor of the Fergana area stated that the tomato pests weren’t discovered within the supply greenhouse or every other greenhouses that export tomatoes to Russia. Uzbek authorities additionally disputed the claims concerning the dried fruits from the Fergana area. 

In an uncommon political affront towards Russia, an official from the Uzbekistan State Customs Committee, the primary customs authority, went so far as dubbing Rosselkhoznadzor’s bans as a “political game.” Nevertheless, Russia indisputably has an higher hand within the dispute as made apparent by the governor of the Fergana area who stated that the ban would lead to hardship for his area. He warned of subsequent financial devastation if exports to Russia weren’t resumed.

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We can solely speculate what precipitated Rosselkhoznadzor’s ban, if it was certainly political, and what led to the immediate reversal of the choice. 

Tashkent’s uncertainty in selecting a provider for a COVID-19 vaccine and its delayed method towards Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) membership might have been contributing elements. On December 11, Tashkent joined the EAEU as an observer and that introduced the nation a step nearer to a full membership. On December 21, an settlement was reached about buying 1,000,000 doses of Russian vaccine for labor migrants coming from Uzbekistan to Russia. (On December 19, the Bloomberg COVID-19 Tracker additionally reported that Uzbekistan made a deal to buy 70 million doses of vaccines from Gamaleya, the developer of Sputnik V).

Food and agriculture merchandise are a substantial share of Uzbekistan’s exports to Russia, its main commerce accomplice. Agriculture merchandise from Uzbekistan are round 28 p.c of all exports to Russia, the second largest class after textiles. Also, the Fergana Valley, the place the Fergana area is centered, is taken into account the breadbasket of Uzbekistan for its considerable agriculture business. Cutting the area’s important market at any time, even with out COVID-induced financial hardships, might have devastating results. 

Rosselkhoznadzor’s ban on Uzbek imports can qualify as the primary restricted meals struggle between Russia and Uzbekistan. Although the company didn’t impose a national ban on all merchandise, it was sufficient to make Uzbek producers really feel strain and be reminded of the importance of Russian markets. The speedy raise of the ban and Tashkent’s disputation of Rosselkhoznadzor’s claims signifies that the foundation of the ban was political, its decision largely relying on Moscow’s will. Tashkent’s becoming a member of the EAEU as an observer and buying Russia-produced vaccines might have smoothed the decision, tomato pests forgotten.