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Michel Barnier’s new book (all 541 pages of it) takes a detailed look at the Brexit negotiations from the viewpoint of the EU chief negotiator himself. It could also provide a campaign platform if Barnier decides to run in France’s 2022 presidential election
In “The Grand Illusion: A Secret Diary of Brexit” — available in French, with an English version out in the fall — the former chief Brexit negotiator portrays himself as a calm and collected operator during a historic negotiation, regularly trying to “control our nerves” in the face of irresponsible British politicians and officials.
The book offers a painstaking description of the Brexit negotiations, from the “brutal wake-up” call of the referendum in June 2016 to December 24, 2020, when the EU and the U.K. signed their trade deal.
Barnier also waxes lyrical about his love of Ireland, his admiration for the British civil service and for German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and his emotional meeting with former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who signed a copy of her book “Fascism: A Warning,” to “Michel Barnier, who is undoubtedly tasked with Europe’s most difficult mission.”
Here are seven interesting moments in Barnier’s memoir:
He voted for Macron
Barnier, a former French Cabinet minister, is a Gaullist and a member of the conservative Les Républicains party. But in the book he confesses to having voted for Emmanuel Macron in the second round of France’s 2017 election.
“Even though he does not belong to the Gaullist party, for which I committed myself at the age of 14, I cast a vote, in this second round of the presidential election, to Emmanuel Macron,” Barnier writes, hinting that he preferred Macron’s “positive and pro-European vision” to the “populist discourse” of Macron’s rival Marine Le Pen.
He liked Olly Robbins…
In various parts of the book, Barnier expresses admiration for the British civil service and particularly for Olly Robbins, the civil servant who led the work on a deal on behalf of former Prime Minister Theresa May. Robbins “has the caliber of great British high officials,” Barnier writes. “He understands better than others the consequences of Brexit and he seeks to limit its negative effects.”
Writing about one meeting with Robbins, Barnier details his “admiration” for such a “dignified” official. “I don’t envy them for having above their heads a political class, which … refuses simply to take responsibility for the consequences of decisions and positions they have taken a year ago.”
…but not Dominic Raab
Of all the U.K. Brexit secretaries, Barnier has particular mistrust of Dominic Raab, now the foreign secretary. After Raab tells Barnier to accept his view on a special customs arrangement with the U.K. otherwise there will be no deal, “my heart skipped a beat,” Barner writes. He tells Raab that if that’s the case, then “negotiations can stop right away … And I will prepare myself in the next days to inform the European Parliament and member states. We will note that negotiations failed on Brexit itself.” Raab suddenly retracts after realizing “he went too far.”
“Raab is definitely not a man of nuance,” Barnier writes.
Barnier also mentions Raab’s oft-mocked declaration that he was surprised to find out the U.K. was “particularly dependent upon the Dover-Calais crossing,” writing: “I don’t even want to smile but there is definitely something that is deranged in the British system.”
Martin Selmayr was his competitor…
Barnier recounts a tense phone conversation with Martin Selmayr, the controversial former chief of staff of Jean-Claude Juncker, whom he suspects to be holding parallel negotiations with the British at a critical moment in the Brexit negotiations.
“I know he sees directly Olly Robbins and speaks to him despite the formal request [not to do so] made by [then European Commission President] Jean-Claude Juncker when I was there in his office,” Barnier writes. “Such discussions by themselves don’t shock me,” he continues, “except when it is about expressing directly to the British side ideas that are his, and of which we haven’t spoken.”
“From the beginning, the British side play it both ways, and are seeking to open with Martin Selmayr a second line of negotiation,” Barnier added. “And I see that he [Selmay] has a hard time resisting.”
Barnier tells Selmayr about his concerns. “With his usual stamina, he tells me he has no time to take care of Brexit, that he has other things to do, including to save the trade agreement with the U.S. … and that he doesn’t speak to the British side … no one is fooled.”
…and a divisive manager
After presenting the EU-U.K. divorce agreement to Juncker, Barnier goes to see Donald Tusk, then European Council president, who “understood very quickly that I would not enter into the usual competition and rivalries game between institutions.”
Selmayr calls him to say Juncker is “furious” after seeing him on TV with Tusk. “Always the same method, which consists of adding fuel to the fire, or putting pressure by destabilizing his interlocutors,” Barnier writes of Selmayr’s approach. “I would check later on the true feelings of Juncker, who had not made a fuss about it.”
When Selmayr leaves office, Barnier says “it is time for the Commission to get back to a normal functioning, a more collegial one, a less brutal management, more relaxed and more serene human relations.”
He loves Ireland
Barnier insists many times in his book that he led the Brexit negotiations with pragmatism and objectivity. But his trips to the Irish border were emotional. “I promised myself in this negotiation to never indulge in arguments and attacks coming from British tabloids, to pay attention to the words I use, to stick to facts, to figures, to legal basis,” Barnier writes. “But here in Ireland … it is difficult not to be touched by the sensitivity and emotion of those who express themselves.” He expresses pride at being able to squeeze a few Gaelic phrases into his speeches.
Fighting for the flags
At the start of the Brexit negotiations, Barnier says he asked Commission staff to provide 28 European flags to welcome his guests. But he is told in a “dry and immediate” way that such a demand is “out of question” because at the Berlaymont, the only flags flown are those of the EU, and the U.K. has voted to leave. Barnier says he ignored that “iron law” and got Juncker to agree to provide all the flags.
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